Iran gave Hezbollah $129 million in rockets, missiles, drones and anti-tank missiles in 2024. That number comes from a new report by the Israeli Center for Research of Terror Financing, and it is not a guess about what might have moved across a border. It is an estimate built from open-source data and known prices for the kinds of weapons Hezbollah uses.
The full picture is bigger. The report puts Hezbollah’s total weapons acquisitions in 2024 at about $157 million. Of that, roughly $129 million came as an in-kind grant from Iran. Hezbollah itself spent about $28 million in cash, mostly on small arms, ammunition, drone components and dual-use equipment picked up through its international procurement networks.
I keep coming back to the list. It is not abstract. The report breaks it down by type.
Short-range rockets make up a large chunk. Based on open-source information, the researchers estimate Hezbollah acquired about 4,000 short-range Katyusha-style rockets in 2024, along with around 400 Falaq rockets and 120 Burkan rockets. Those are the kinds of weapons that have been fired into northern Israel and Israeli positions in Lebanon over the last two years.
Then there are the anti-tank missiles. The report estimates Hezbollah received roughly 700 Kornet rounds and 500 Dehlavieh rounds, plus about 500 Almas missiles and 400 Konkurs or Metis missiles, along with 30 launchers. It also estimates around 800 RPG-7 launchers and 15,000 rounds for them. Some of those rounds likely came from the black market. Anti-tank weapons have been a big part of Hezbollah’s attacks since October 8, 2023.
Drones are in the mix too. The researchers estimate Hezbollah acquired about 300 Mirsad and Ababil drones combined, around 200 loitering munitions, 400 commercial and FPV drones, and several reconnaissance UAVs in 2024. Iran has been pushing drone technology hard across the region, and Hezbollah has been using those systems to hit Israeli targets and to watch the battlefield.
Air defense shows up as well. The report notes Hezbollah’s inventory includes MANPADS that can cost anywhere from $5,000 to $100,000 each depending on the model. It also estimates the group received 358 of Iran’s loitering surface-to-air missiles. That matters because it changes the risk calculus for any aircraft flying near the Lebanon-Israel border.
On the small-arms side, the numbers are large in a different way. The report estimates Hezbollah acquired about 5,000 rifles, 900 crew-served weapons, 80 mortar tubes, 15,000 mortar rounds, and 8 million rounds of ammunition in 2024. Those are the tools of a group that expects to fight for a long time and to keep its ranks supplied even under pressure.
Here is the detour I keep making in my head. When people talk about Iran and Hezbollah, the conversation often jumps straight to politics or ideology. Who supports whom. Who is a proxy for whom. That is all real. But money and materiel are also a language. A $129 million in-kind grant is not a statement. It is a supply line. It is a decision, made somewhere inside Iran’s security apparatus, to keep Hezbollah armed at a specific scale.
The researchers at the Israeli Center for Research of Terror Financing, known as CENTEF, say they could not look at actual purchase orders because Hezbollah does not disclose its procurement. So they built their estimates using three things: Hezbollah’s historical expansion, Iran’s weapons-production and delivery capacity, and international cost comparisons for military equipment and personnel. The report is called Hezbollah Financial Statements, and it is the first installment in a broader project that aims to look at how the group finances its media operations, payments to wounded fighters, and military infrastructure.
What Hezbollah paid for itself tells its own story. The $28 million in cash spending focused on smaller, more flexible items. Small arms. Ammunition. Drone components. Dual-use equipment that can be bought on civilian markets and repurposed. Equipment obtained through its international procurement networks. That is the part of the arsenal that is easier to hide in shipping containers and bank transfers. The heavy stuff, the expensive rockets and missiles and air-defense systems, came from Iran as a grant.
None of this happens in a vacuum. The report landed as the United States has been moving more forces into the Middle East, including carrier strike groups and Marine units, in part because of concerns about regional escalation. Oil prices have jumped on news of tension in the region. Every new shipment of weapons into Lebanon adds to the math that Pentagon planners and diplomats are running in their heads.
I am not here to tell you what should be done about it. I am just telling you what the report says moved, and at what price. $129 million from Iran. $28 million from Hezbollah’s own funds. $157 million in weapons and military equipment acquired in 2024, even as the group has been fighting a war with Israel.
And then there is the quiet part. Eight million rounds of ammunition. Fifteen thousand mortar shells. Hundreds of guided missiles. Thousands of rockets. When you read those numbers out loud, the room gets smaller. You start thinking about the people who live in the towns and villages near the border, on both sides, and what it means to have that much firepower pointed in your direction.
The report does not claim to know every container that crossed a border or every bank transfer that cleared. It works with what can be seen and priced. That is enough to show the scale. Iran supplied most of the expensive weapons. Hezbollah filled in the gaps with cash and networks. The result is an arsenal that keeps growing even while the fighting goes on.
That is the story. Not a speech. Not a warning. Just a set of numbers that add up to a lot of weapons in a small, crowded part of the world.
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